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Example
of Coalition Building Summary
INFACT is US-based NGO founded in 1977. For 22 years INFACT has been campaigning to stop abuses by transnational corporations (Tics) and increase their accountability to people around the world. INFACT is known for is successful Infant Formula Campaign targeting Nestle which helped bring about significant reforms in the aggressive marketing of breast milk substitutes, and the Nuclear Weapon makers Campaign which help force industry leader General Electric (GE) out of the nuclear weapons business. Our Tobacco Industry Campaign is our third major campaign, which we launched in 1993. I would like to share some examples of international coalition building, specifically to advance codes or conventions to protect human health and the environment from abusive practices by transnational corporations. Specifically, I will draw upon the experiences of INFACT and the International Baby Food Action Network (IBFAN), the International Coalition to Ban Landmines formed in 1992, and numerous environmental organizations involved in the ozone and climate change convention, including the Climate Action Network. These models offer much we can learn from as we move forward as NGOs in advancing an effective Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. I will touch briefly on the structures of these next works and coalition, their methods of communication, but I will focus mainly on recommendations they shared with us to help NGOs working to ensure an effective Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, so that we might benefit from their experiences. I will begin with the International Code of Marketing of Breast milk substitutes, particularly in economically poor regions, linked to the deaths of about one million babies per year. IBFAN was established by five NGOs, including INFACT, the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility (US), Consumers International (then IOCU), War on Want (UK), and the Third World Working Group of Bern in 1979. The network was established at the same time WHO began work on Code. IBFAN is a loosely structured network that is still actively monitoring industry compliance with the Code. IBFAN is make up of more than 150 groups in over 90 countries. It is divided regionally with representatives from eight regions making up the Coordinating Council. In the late 1970s and early 1980s NGO involvement with WHO and the UN in developing a Code was new NGOs wrote a recommendation of what the Code should look like, and helped strengthen the final outcome. NGOs laid the groundwork for future NGO involvement in the process of developing codes and conventions. Some of the important lessons from the baby Food Campaign for NGOs working on the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control include the importance of developing international networks or coalitions to share information, strategise, expose ongoing industry abuses to the media, government delegates and WHO, to develop a lobby strategy, and to agree on some basic points regarding what the final outcome should be. A clear lesson that came out of the process is the importance of keeping the industry from involvement in the process. The Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Production, Transfer and Stockpiling of Anti Personnel Landmines and on their Destruction is an unusual example of the potential for collaboration between NGOs and governments. The International Coalition to Ban Landmines (ICBL) is made up of a core of six organizations and 1,200 members worldwide. The core organizations took on the primary responsibility of carrying out the strategic planning and co-ordination of the coalition, alliance building, and fundraising, while the larger membership worked in their individual countries to build support for the treaty. Communication with network members was largely by email, which also helped a coordinator. There was broad-based support for the Coalition from physicians, human rights, religious, peace and direct aid organizations. While the International Red Cross/Crescent was not a member of ICBL, the international NGO played an important media advocacy role (through paid advertising, getting TV air time donated, and distributing materials to each of its members). NGOs within ICBL did their own media work, although the coalition did sample release for its members. The Coalition adopted some principles, and established as their bottom line a complete ban on landmines. ICBL stuck to this as their main objective. Different organizations adopted a range of approaches within the coalition, including highly visual actions like "shoe mountains" a total of six tons, powerful symbols of people who had lost limbs to landmines, demonstrations, and a "Wall of remembrance" with photos of victims. Some divisions developed between NGOs somewhat along North/South lines, about the importance of demining work and prevention of future landmine production and use. How this division were addressed may be useful to consider for NGOs working on the FCTC regarding the importance of both cessation and prevention of future addiction. Victims of landmines also played an important role. Lessons from the landmine Campaign include the importance again of establishing regular communication between NGOs, particularly between the North and South. The need for NGOs to establish common goals and principles, and stick to them, was also empahsised. Identifying government allies is key. The challenge of achieving consensus within the UN process eventually led governments, with Canada in the lead, to take the treaty out of the traditional process, which dramatically sped up the process. NGOs worked very closely with government, in an unprecedented manner, to ensure successful ratification of the treaty in 1997. Important lessons from the Baby Food campaign for NGOs working on the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control include the importance of developing international networks or coalitions to share information, strategise, expose ongoing industry abuses to the media, government delegates and WHO, to develop a lobby strategy, and to agree on some basic points regarding what the final outcome should be. Finally, I would like to talk about NGO involvement in environmental conventions, including the UN Framework Convention on climate Change of 1992 and its protocols, and the Vienna Convention for the Protection of the Ozone Layer of 1985 and its protocols. Industry opposition to these treaties has been formidable, particularly the Frame work Convention on Climate Change and its protocols. We can learn a great deal about the role of transnational corporations in obstructing treaties as well as the role of NGOs from these environmental conventions. NGOs worked with the scientific community to publicise important environmental research, educate the public, and push governments to act-all of which laid the groundwork for international environmental agreements. By being catalysts for treaty development, a logical consequence is that NGOs were involved in early drafting of these treaties more so with the bio-diversity convention that the climate changes and ozone treaties. NGOs provided important technical expertise. International organizations with a global grassroots base like Greenpeace and Friends of the Earth, and NGOs through networks like the Climate Action Network, coordinated efforts to build support and identify governmental allies for environmental conventions. NGOs gave input to government delegates, helped prepare position papers, acted as translators for scientific and technical data, commented on drafts and final document language, and lobbied delegates in short, advocating for stronger treaties with shorter timelines. In the case of the ozone issue, scientists and NGOs were successful in reaching the public through the media, which helped build momentum for the treaty. NGOs educated the media, and used media to expose and pressure the chemical industry, their associations and government allies. NGOs help press conferences during negotiations, put out daily newsletters on the proceedings. Held demonstrations, and so forth. In the case of the Climate Change Convention, even through the science was solid as is the case with tobacco the corporations, particularly the oil giants, attacked the science and formed "front" groups like the global Climate Coalition which regularly took out full page ads in the biggest newspapers in the US, and crated or exacerbated divisions between the North and South. Environmental NGOs found themselves up against the world's largest and most powerful transnational corporations, some with annual revenues in excess of $100 billion (roughly double that of Philip Morris) The Climate Action Network is make up of over 250 environmental organizations from around the world, ranging from large international groups like Greenpeace, and Friends of the Earth, to smaller local ones in developing countries. NGO participation was specified in the Framework Convention on Climate Change. The network has seven regional networks, and obtained UN accreditation to the International Negotiating Committees. This accreditation allowed national NGOs with no official international standing to have observer status as members of CAN. Several countries at first were opposed to NGO participation. The Network has served as a system to share and coordinate information, to formulate policies and coordinate information, to formulate policies and strategies, and to better resist the influence of the transnational. Lessons from environmental conventions include the importance of NGOs to agree on some broad goals. To remember that different kinds of approaches are needed, and to establish good relationships with key countries. Ratification and compliance are important pieces that should not be forgotten. Some conclusions
we can draw from these examples of coalition building are: 1. NGOs working
on the FCTC need international networks or coalitions to facilitate communication
and coordination. INFACT 256
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